Many liberals are coming around to the view that the
forty-plus-year “War on Drugs” initiated by the Nixon Administration in the
1970s has been a terrible failure and needs drastic transformation or an
outright end. Not only has it failed to
reduce the incidence of drug use, but like the Prohibition of alcohol in the
1920s it has resulted in a permanent underground economy dominated by violent
criminal gangs involved in murder and corruption on a vast scale. There are examples of successful programs in
Europe that have legalized and strictly regulated recreational drugs and
expanded compassionate rehab treatment for addicts who want to get clean. The results seem to include the reduction of
violence and death, generation of revenue, a reduction in the rates of usage
and an increase in rates of rehabilitation and recovery. Such a liberal program should be carefully
studied for potential adoption in America.
For instance, Portugal decriminalized the possession
and use of all drugs in 2001. A person
cited for drug intoxication has to go to a hearing in which they are offered
treatment, but they are allowed to go home without it if they refuse. A
study found that in the years after personal possession was decriminalized,
drug use among teens in Portugal declined 25 percent, heroin use declined 30
percent, rates of HIV infections caused by sharing of dirty needles dropped 17
percent and the number of people seeking treatment for drug addiction more than
doubled. The money saved from
enforcement more than paid for the increased treatment costs. Sweden offers a different model that combines
strict enforcement against trafficking with light punishments but extensive
counseling and rehabilitation for users.
Sweden has one of the lowest rates of drug use in Europe.
In the United States, about $51 billion per year is
spent trying to enforce the War on Drugs, including aid and combined operations
with nations like Colombia. About one
and a half million are arrested for use and over 500,000 of these are sentenced
to incarceration. In 2012, 52 percent of
inmates in federal prisons were there on drug convictions. 20 percent of African-American men spend time
in jail at some point in their lives due to drug offenses. In quite a few states people with these
histories lose their right to vote. Meanwhile,
incidences of drug use have not improved.
According to the National Institute on Drug Abuse, the percentage of
Americans over the age of 12 who had used an illicit drug in 2002 was 8.3
percent. In 2012 it was 9.2 percent. In 2007 the Institute found that 5.8 percent
had used marijuana in the previous month.
In 2012 the percentage had grown to 7.3 percent.
The point here is not to argue in any way that drug
use or abuse is a good thing. Addiction
is responsible for enormous social disruption, many ruined lives, deaths, and
negative health outcomes. Even marijuana
creates problems for many people. The
point instead is to raise the question,
as liberals do, about whether the way we are attacking the problem is effective
and seems to be working. The data would
appear to indicate it is not. Immense
resources continue to be committed without perceptible improvement. Meanwhile, approaches being tried in other
countries show through hard data that they are making headway. We do not seem to be meeting human needs well
in the War on Drugs. Research points the
way toward better solutions. Humble
practicality seems to indicate there are more effective models we might
follow. In the War on Drugs, as with so
many other issues, liberals are in tune with the common-sense saying, If you like what you’re getting keep doing
what you’re doing. If you don’t like what you’re getting you need to change
what you’re doing.